There
are several key ways in which people respond differently
to women and men who are leaders. I’ll outline
these differences, identify the ways in which such
responses affect women’s leadership, and propose
some solutions to smooth the way for women leaders.
The
United States may be on the road to electing its
first woman president. Yet, incongruously, as the
Hillary Clinton campaign picked up speed last summer,
an inordinate amount of attention was paid to a
frivolous observation about the “low-cut” neckline
of an outfit worn during a speech she gave on the
Senate floor. [1] As the first primaries approached,
her campaign scrambled to embark on a blitz to present
her as “likable and heartwarming,” to balance the
“strength and experience” theme that had seemed
especially necessary for a female candidate. [2]
It
appears that the acceptable scripts for women in
powerful public political roles are still rigidly
defined and easy to violate—by being too “pushy”
or too “soft,” too “strident” or too accommodating,
too sexless or too sexual. It seems all too easy
for women leaders to run afoul of their constituents
or their colleagues by deviating from the narrowly-defined
set of behaviors in which cultural femininity overlaps
with leadership.
With
the necessity to conform to two, often conflicting,
sets of expectations, high-profile women leaders
in the United States are relentlessly held to a
higher standard than their male counterparts. If
women are to claim their share of leadership positions,
and to operate effectively within such positions,
women and men must be aware of these differential
expectations, know how they affect both leaders
and constituents, and understand what responses
may be useful.
Different Responses to Women and
Men in Leadership Roles
Power
operates as a social structure, made up of numerous
practices that maintain a cultural system of dominance.
The practices that maintain a power system include
patterns of discourse, shared understandings about
and participation in a set of values, expectations,
norms and roles. This social structure transcends,
in some respects the wishes or behavior of any particular
individual and has a tendency to shape decisions,
interactions, and social relations to fit it. [3] Responses
to women and men in leadership roles are conditioned
by a social structure traditionally dominated by
men.
Researchers
have identified four key ways in which female and
male leaders elicit different responses from those
around them. These different responses appear to
be due, not so much to different leadership behaviors
by women and men, as to the stimulus value of women
or men in these roles. A woman leader stimulates
a different reaction than a male leader because
of learned expectations, shaped and supported by
the surrounding social structure, that invalidate
and undercut women’s attempts to be effective, influential,
powerful.
Women are Expected to Combine Leadership
with Compassion—and are Disliked when They Don’t
Researchers
have long found that people think “male” when they
think “leader,” and that this result transcends
many cultural differences. [4] Because of perceived incompatibility
between the requirements of femininity and those
of leadership, women are often required to “soften”
their leadership styles to gain the approval of
their constituents. [5] Women who do not temper
their agency and competence with warmth and friendliness
risk being disliked and less influential; men face
no such necessity to be agreeable while exercising
power. [6] Women who lead with
an autocratic style are the targets of more disapproval
than those who enact a more democratic style; men
may choose the autocratic style with relative impunity,
if they are effective leaders. [7]
When women demonstrate competent leadership within
an explicitly masculine arena—something that often
requires the application of a “harder” leadership
style, they are disliked and disparaged. [8]
People do not listen to or take direction
from women as comfortably as from men
The
stereotype that women are more talkative than men
is unsupported by evidence. [9] Yet
it often appears that people use women’s supposed
loquaciousness as a justification for “tuning out”
much of what women say. Women report that they do
not feel listened to, that when they speak in meetings
their comments and suggestions are ignored or belittled—and
that the same comments or suggestions from men have
more impact. They are not imagining this reaction.
One pair of researchers trained women and men to
try to take leadership of mixed-sex groups by making
the same suggestions, using the same words. Group
members responded to the male would-be leaders’
comments with attention, nods, and smiles; they
responded to the women by looking away and frowning.
Furthermore, these group members were not aware
that they were treating would-be female and male
leaders differently. [10] This pattern occurs
not only in the lab, but in the real world: Field
studies of small group meetings in organizations
show that women leaders are targets of more displays
of negative emotion than men leaders, even when
both sets of leaders are viewed as equally competent. [11]
Women who promote themselves and their
abilities reap disapproval
Because
they are stereotyped as less competent than men,
women would-be leaders are sometimes advised to
eschew feminine modesty and promote their own abilities,
strengths and accomplishments. However, self-promotion
can be dangerous for women. As noted above, women
who act more confident and assertive than is normative
for women run the risk of disapproval. Research
demonstrates that when women promote their own accomplishments
it can cause their audience to view them as more
competent—but at the cost of viewing them as less
likeable. Men who promote their own accomplishments
do not reap the same mixed outcomes: as long as
they do not overdo it, self-promotion brings them
both higher evaluations of competence and likeability. [12]
Women require more external validation
than men do to be accepted as leaders in some contexts
Given
the issues raised so far, it is not surprising to
learn that, in order for women to be accepted in
leadership roles, they must often have external
endorsements. Particularly in competitive, highly-masculinized
contexts, simply having leadership training or task-related
expertise does not guarantee a woman’s success unless
accompanied by legitimation by another established
leader. [13] Gender stereotypes interfere with
observers’ ability to see women’s competence; it
is sometimes necessary to for a high-status other
to provide them with credibility.
Reacting to the reactions: How does
leadership feel to women?
There
is evidence that women may be more aware than men
of the potential costs of leadership. [14] Women
do worry about the contradictions between acceptable
feminine behavior and the requirements of powerful
positions. Young women asked to imagine themselves
in powerful positions rate such positions as be
less positive than young men do. Furthermore, the
women betray awareness of the possibility that relationship
problems could ensue if they were to hold such positions.
Some describe themselves as potentially very unlikable
in such roles, using words such as “dominating,
aggressive,” “opinionated,” “power hungry, ... mean,”
“bossy, direct and aggressive.” [15] Clearly,
they recognize the near-impossibility of “softening”
one’s image while yet maintaining the air of authority,
determination and competence necessary to convince
others that one can exercise strong leadership.
Women
already in leadership positions—even those in male-dominated
contexts—while acutely aware of the narrow path
they must tread, find rewards in these roles: a
sense of competence and of positive impact [16] and
the opportunity to empower others. [17]
These rewards, they say, help compensate
for the heavy demands and the caution demanded by
the contradictory expectations associated with their
leadership roles. However, there is no telling
how many women never get to this point—turned away
from aspirations to leadership because of the difficulties
and costs they anticipate.
A Changed Social Structure Changes
the Reactions
An
interview study of women leaders in France and Norway
illustrated years ago that context could make all
the difference to these leaders’ experience. The
Norwegian women expressed joy and a sense of efficacy
in their leadership roles; the French women, on
the other hand, spoke of difficulties, conflicts,
loneliness, and marginality. [18] These differing experiences appeared
linked to sharp contrasts in these women’s perceptions
of their acceptance as leaders. In Norway, with
its long and deeply-rooted history of women’s involvement
in political leadership, women in such positions
felt a strong sense of legitimacy in their leadership
roles. In France, where women’s leadership was
relatively new and rare, that sense of legitimacy
was absent, and women were called upon to prove
themselves repeatedly.
Research
has since made it abundantly clear that context
makes a critical difference in the ease with which
women can access leadership positions, their perceived
effectiveness in these positions, and the difficulties
they encounter. Women face the most resistance
to their leadership and influence in roles that
are male-dominated and characterized as masculine. [19] As
social attitudes have shifted to define fewer arenas
as masculine, acceptance of women as leaders in
the other arenas has grown.
Conclusions
In
the United States, it is no longer surprising or
incongruous to see a woman as principal of a public
high school, manager of a corporate department,
dean of a university college, or anchor on a local
newscast. Women have breeched the barriers to such
positions in concert with a general relaxation in
traditional gender-role attitudes as well as changes
in public perceptions of what leadership entails.
[20] Yet
in contexts (such as military command, high corporate
office, the presidency) still defined in the public
mind as requiring masculine qualities, women face
tough barriers stemming from the difficulty of simultaneously
transcending and accommodating to gender stereotypes.
Our intellectual understanding of these barriers
notwithstanding, the only way to break them down
is for the first few clever, determined and thick-skinned
women to dance, tip-toe, and kick their way through
them.
There are ways for both organizations and individuals to support
these women, and thus support progress toward
a social structure in which women’s leadership
is commonplace even in contexts currently defined
as masculine. Organizations can strive to avoid
isolating women as tokens in male-dominated departments,
where their gender becomes the defacto
explanation for any perceived misstep. Established
leaders can endorse and legitimate women who seek
or attain leadership roles. Opinion leaders such
as journalists can cultivate sensitivity to the
possibility that they are setting different standards
of likeability and other interpersonal qualities
when they publicly critique male and female leaders.
As individuals, we can examine our own criticisms
of women leaders for telltale signs that we are
expecting the impossible—imposing the double-bind
of contradictory expectations.
As first one, then a trickle of women overcome the barriers,
it should finally become normal to see women holding
leadership roles in contexts currently considered
masculine. That very “normalcy” will moderate
public perceptions of gender and of leadership,
gently re-shaping the social structure that has
conditioned these perceptions. The significant
changes in women’s access to leadership roles
over the past few decades are a necessary, but
still insufficient, prelude to a society in which
women and men can claim a fair share of the challenges
and opportunities associated with leadership.
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